PHCN: The Password For Corruption In Nigeria

The two words that are the bane of Nigeria are Docility and impunity. The two bodies whose criminal and unpatriotic silence on electricity the manufactures Association of Nigeria (M.A.N) the Nigeria labour congress (N.L.C) is it a lie, that the PHCN are inefficient?, is it a lie, that it is assure of payment, even when they can’t generate power?

The primary duty of a government is to save us from ourselves, failure to do this is anarchy, but the pure indulgence of the PHCN is what we are grappling with today--- pure incompetence, the arrogant extortion of the masses for services not rendered, the endorsement of pure corruption at the close of every family meeting of the federal republic of Nigeria, it is always loud laughter, and red chamber slapping, simply because we have gone in there to deceive out selves. Will the two gavels of the green and red chambers slam the table and give it to Nigeria?

1. A terminal date to end gas flaring?

2. Legislation to abrogate generating sets importation into Nigeria?

It is only these two formulae that can guarantee victory over system failure in the power sector. Each time Nigeria fries chicken, it is the cat that stands guard over it.

Is the PHCN fair and just? PHCN is an organization that is peopled with certificate forgers, who knows next to nothing, masters of trial by error, if it an were not so, we buy equipment from the same source as Ghana as an exemplary example for years their system don’t collapse, consumers are justly billed, I will ask this question again what is the full meaning of 419? Please don’t task your brains, the question is PHCN.                                                        

PHCN is the password for corruption in Nigeria. If incompetence was the name of a country PHCN without doubt will be the capital. Replace the noun slanderer from your dictionary with PHCN, it has embarrassed every government in power YES every government in power has been powerless utterly helpless to put in chains this destroyer of Nigeria economy. PHCN is clinical finisher of all governments.

Why has the EFCC failed to visit any official of the PHCN past or present, with the reported colossal money that grew wing in the development of the power sector? Agreed that such monies never be traced or recovered as it is tradition in Nigeria then I make bold to demand that it should be traded for the permanent abolition of estimated billing, reparation of huge sums collected for services not rendered and outright cancellation of the choking debt fisted on the consumers by way of stealing by trick a.k.a my to 2, think of your children, if you are well-off, think of your relatives, their children and their grand children, will you honestly wish your children who are doing well abroad to bring their businesses to Nigeria, when those in Nigeria are doing Usain Bolt with their machinery to Ghzana or south Africa? I have capture and surrendered you to your conscience, the greatest judge, when system are down, the bill are in pole position.

We are not facing the government, we don’t have the wherewithal to do so, it is the government that should save us from the PHCN marketers, who will bill us crazily and in turn be negotiating how they will help us cancel what he had written with his hand for a fee, the government should save us from the station managers, who knows he does not have electricity supply, yet he will give orders for the bill to be shared. We beg the government to save us from the business Manager of all districts, who knows it is the communities that contribute money to fix PHCN installation when it is down, but does not see any wrong in demanding money for services not rendered, as all bill are printed in the business District of PHCN.

It is God and not government who will save Nigerians from the CEOs in all PHCN zones in Nigeria for setting revenue target down the line knowing fully well that, what they generate is darkness not light. I will always celebrate this enigma, right in Bamidele Aturu trust.

How To Install SiteMeter On Your Blog

Many bloggers believe that apart from the main page viewers in the blog dashboard that there is no need to have any tracking site to track their page visitors, or some find it difficult to install. Therefore, they leave the site without visitor tracker. 

In blogger the disadvantage of blog dashboard page viewers is that, the owner of the site alone has privilege to track the visitor that visit the site, but by installing site meter apart from the owner of the site visitor as well can track the number of visitor that visit the site. 

Site meter always provide the answers, the comprehensive real time website tracking give you instant access to vital information and data about your sites audience. With site meter detailed reporting a blogger 'll have a clear picture of who is visiting your site, how they found you, where they came from, what interests them and much more.

In this article I ma going to discus in detail how to register and install site meter on your blog. Once you follow this step tutorial at the end you will find it very easy to install.  

How to register for site meter
First, tell us about your site.

Your Site's URL:
  Enter the main page of your blog.

Your Site's Name:

Enter your site name

Codename:
s51
Enter only one word without any spaces or special characters. Your codename is what uniquely identifies your counter and you will use it to log in to your Site Meter account. It is not a password but it will be visible to other people if they move their mouse over the counter on your site.

Your Current Time:

Setting your current time will make your reports and charts display in your local time and time zone.

 By checking this box I agree to be bound by Sitemeter's Terms of Service Agreement.  

after the first step have been completed then click next to move to the next page

Next, tell us a little about you.
Email Address:	Title:
Only valid email addresses accepted. Be careful to type your correct email address as we will be sending you an email immediately, confirming your Site Meter registration and supplying you with a password to access your account. Please double-check your email address.
Your ZIP or Postal Code:	Country:
Can you receive HTML email? Yes  No	Gender:

Once you complete the signing up your password and user name will be send to your e-mail address, you need to save the password and the usre name because you will need both later after completing the registration and you want to sign in.
Click here to sign up:Site meter

After the complete sign up you will receive an html code on your e-mail adress this is the code you will install into your blog.

How to install site meter html javascript code on your blog
  
Here is where you need to be very careful not to make any mistake while installing the code but once you follow this instruction very well it is very easy. Log in to your blog dashboard select template and click on it, on your template dashboard click Edit to have acess to the html javascript code. 

Note: first make sure that you back up your html by click on the back up/restore at the to right corner then download and save. after the back up, it is time for you to click on the Edit html, once you are in your html dashboard click anywhere on it and press ctrl F to search, inside the Search box type </body> and press enter, the </body> code will display.

Copy your site meter html javascript and paste it immediately at the top of the </body> tag and save.

e.g     <!-- Site Meter -->
<script type="text/javascript" src="http://s51.sitemeter.com/js/counter.js?site=s51elegantupdates">
</script>
<noscript>
<a href="http://s51.sitemeter.com/stats.asp?site=s51elegantupdates" target="_top">
<img src="http://s51.sitemeter.com/meter.asp?site=s51elegantupdates" alt="Site Meter" border="0"/></a>
</noscript>
<!-- Copyright (c)2009 Site Meter --> 
</body>

In case the code is not send to your e-mail intime, you can copy the above code and edit the user names "elegantupdates" to your own user names. Once you save it go back to your main dashboard and select layout-choose any gadget where you want the meter to appear on your blog and click on html javascript and paste the code once again and save your site meter is good to go

leave your comment or question.

The Imperative for a Political Platform of Nigeria’s Working People(1)

For about three decades now, Nigeria had been in a deepening crisis for neo-colonialism on one hand and parasitism of the indigenous ruling class on the other. The neo-colonial aspect of it had entailed the continued dominance of foreign interest led by western capitalist forces and their international financial institution (the IMF and the World Bank) control from the metropolises of the trades” (USA, Europe and Japan). The triad had, of course, pound new centers arising from the so called globalization, now known as the BRICS (Brazil, Russian, Indian, China and South Africa) our indigenous ruling class in the said crisis is composed of various ethnics and conventional factions united by their primary pre- occupation with primitive accumulation.

 Understanding before going nexus is necessary for apprehending the character of Nigerian crisis in its current form. and in a way, all those who really want, or are able, to understand can see that the combination of the 2011 general election, the so called security crisis(especially those relating to ethno- nationality and religious anti parties and the violence arising from the conventional criminality such as robbery, kidnapping etc), economic violence visited on the masses of the people b y the Nigeria ruling class (such as increase in fuel crisis, the looting of public property euphemistically called privatization corruption etc,) is thoroughly grounded in this nexus.

To start with, the uniform post 2011 election response of the ruling circles in Nigeria at federal, state and local government levels to the issues of the minimum wage, the so called fuel subsidy and other element of Leo liberal economic prescription of the IMF and the world bank, confirm the 2011 general election as a ruling class fraud against the Nigeria people. It as be come clear to the Nigerian electorate especially after the fuel” subsidy” struggle, that they where conned to vote only on the basis of where candidates come from and stroke or which gods they claim to worship. On the key issue that unite Nigeria across tribal and religious lines, the ruling class parties at federal, state and local levels are united against the exploited. both organized labor and the so called civil society organizations got co-opted into INEC’s pursuit of equally dubious task of organizing credible free and fair election dominated by deep pocket and that did not bothered about what Nigerians were actually been asked to vote for

It was not surprising either, that before and after the 2011 elections, all sorts of foreign “visitors” (the real owner of Nigeria and intellections of Nigerians ruling class) came calling coaching government and their agencies on how to bring Nigeria to their needs. Specifically, ban-ki moon came with the prominent” shock doctor” (Jeffery sachs), EU people came, and Baroness Linda Shocker (one of the alter ego of British capital) and Tony Blair (of iraq) visited .to cap it all, IMFs Christian laggard (the IMF boss and ally of okonjo iweala’s erstwhile employer world bank) came. They all came to solidarise with their proxies in Nigeria, to coach them and, specifically, to endorse fuel “subsidy” removal and other ramified economic worst declared on the Nigeria masses. It was not surprising neither that international finance and cooperate vultures (such as the World Bank, gold man sachs and shell) have planted their formal employees in sensitive ministries of the Nigeria government and some of the wikileaks revelation have shown.

Precisely the 2011 general election (especially the presidential segment) were contested largely on ethic, religion and geo-political bases: the wind sown by Nigerian’s riling class produced copious post-election whirlwinds, deepening ethic and religion fissures, instigating greater religion anti-parties involve and fuelling their violence, and eliciting violence and indiscriminate police and military responses.

In the orgies of religion and ethic violence, the boko haram has occupies the center stage because of its scale of violence, its audacity and the spread of its reach. Its activities have consequently become handy for prosecuting existing division wars between the so-called south and the so-called north, between the Christians and the Muslims and between the Christian south and the Muslim north “- all of which have acquired definitions with dubious integrity but with incredible value in the hands of those who profit from, and manipulate the categories. The confessional categories are useful for ruling class hegemonies because they hide various equally important incendiary matters of intra-ethic violence, urban violence everywhere and anomic among the young and old.

Read;The Imperative for a Political Platform of Nigeria’s Working People (2)

Change Agents In An Emerging Democratic Process (4)

Forward To A Permanent Revolution In Osun

In the two years of Aregbesola administration, much has been achieved in respect of restoration of order, high moral values and responsible governance. The positive impact of probity and democratic accounting is being felt by the electorates who were hitherto victims of the corrupt and greedy administrators,. The revolutionary mission of the government is enunciated in the six-point programs of banishing poverty, hunger, and unemployement, restoring quality life, promoting functional education and communal peace. The prudent management of public resources is exemplified in the three fold increase in internal generated revenue from about N200m to N600m in two years.

Yet the annual budget of N150billion is inadequate to support the gigantic transformation envisage in the six point integral agenda. for Osun to qualify as an emerging democracy, the state must enter the phase of what Marxists call permanent revolution. This was a slogan created during the high tide of anti-imperialist revolt on the scale; it refer to the imperative need to initiate and sustain the tempo of qualitative leap in science and technology to meet social-economic needs of a liberated people. I am invoking this notion to undergo the urgent to provide material basis for the political and ideological changes being implemented in the State. I will conclude by saying the highlighted of this economic agenda and how it has been attempted in countries like China, Iran and Brazil.

The first priority is to rapidly expand the economic base through industrialization, education and agriculture. The structure of the national economy from colonial times made Lagos and its hinterland the center of gravity. Due to import-dependent character of the economy, Osun and other State are the backwaters of Lagos. This situation is potential harmful to the sustenance of the democratic gains made so far. Even if Osun were to become a minerals’ rich State, this may not alter is periphery position in Lagos because, as the experience of oil and gas in the Niger Delta has proved, endowment in extractive minerals makes an area more vulnerable to plunder and exploitation by so-called international investors.

To industrialize and prosper, Osun should design a self-reliance economic master to become a major hub of technological production and invention in the areas of comparative advantage. The plan should identify the areas and plan to exploit them in next one decade and beyond. A good model of what to do is offered by the experience in China which as ingeniously combined the thoughts of socialism and private ownership to create the second largest economy in the world. The economic has been the fastest growing in the past 30 years and it is dominated by 160 gigantic State-owned enterprises that account for 50% of production of goods and services and employment of labour. To maximize the advantage of its link to Lagos, Osun should prepare packages of incentive for investors to see it as a preferred destination. As China, Indian and other Asian countries have done, the investors to be targeted should include the Osun Diaspora in Lagos and foreign countries. They have the financial resources and global network to attract the right volume of capital and technical inflow.

The design of the industrial master plan can be patterned after what Chief Awolowo did in the 1950s. it is reported that his team of experts met every Sunday for two years without fail to produce the plans for industrial estates in Ikeja, Ilupeju and Apapa. The experts included the brightest and the best in education and ideology at the time. The secretary of the meetings was the Late Chief Simeon Adebo. The Awolowo initiative in Lagos was the first of its kind in Africa at the time and the legacies have remained in spite of the massive damage done to the Nigerian economic by irresponsible military rulers and their cohorts. Osun should reinvent this heritage of revolutionary and action by appointing a think-thank to work out how the State can become an economic entreport.

Transport infrastructure is at the core of this proposal. The governments of the southwest States should invest in a railway network to link the hinterland to Lagos and other maritime state. This rail track must be different from the antiquated one that runs from Lagos to the north of Nigeria. Rather, the rail should connect Lagos to Ogun, Osun, Ondo,and Ekiti with future link to Abuja via Kog State. Let us recall that about 120 years ago Osun entrepreneurs based in Lagos planned to invest in a Lagos-Ilesha rail system. The consortium of indigenous investors was led by one DaSilva, an Ilesha-Brazilian business man. The British colonial regime frustrated the plan because it was to compete with their economic interest. Governor Aregbesola may wish to reinvest the dream of these pioneer industrialists and nationalists.

In view of the location of Osun, a revolutionary transformation of agriculture is inevitable. The system in practice Is too primitive to support economic prosperity. Mechanization is inescapable and the State can not afford the volume of investment. The economic blue print suggested above should make agro industries the focus of change. Farm produce must be processed with value added. Cocoa from Osun should not be exported in unprocessed form. Cassava, yam and other tubers will do well as raw materials for industrial products. Cassava for example, has potential to generate a sustainable economic system. The model to examine is that of Brazil where the production of ethanol and fuel from cassava and sugarcane will soon displace the reliance on oil and fossil energy.

Not much progress can be made in the fields indicate above without a strong knowledge economy of science and inventions. Osun is a favoured host of tertiary institutions. Dozen more are needed to facilitate the exacting work of original research for industry and promotion of comfortable living. The State is not expected to establish the institutions required; what it can and must do is to international linkages. This arrangement is to struck with investor and producers of services. For example, osun need to generate surplus electricity to power industries and sell to other users. The osogbo control center is an asset in this regard. The government can engage the Obafemi Awolowo University and others to specialize in renewable energy sources which can attract industrialists to the State.

The government tertiary institutions will be entitled to subvention only if they are involved in research and inventions that are relevant to the economic priorities of the State. This is one of the surest ways of stimulate the knowledge economy. The Islamic Republic of Iran is an inspiring example of this approach to economic self-sufficiency. In 2011, Iran ranked the first in the world in scientific growth and fourth    in the science production. The country has about 80% literacy rate and less than three percent of the population lives on about $2 a day. In the, over 50% of the people are below the poverty line. This is the desperate situation that the State of Osun is working hard to free itself from. Osun will attain liberation from neocolonial capitalism by embarking on a permanent revolution in all areas of development.

Change Agents In An Emerging Democratic Process (3)

The Role Of Change Agents

From the forgoing summary (1)(2), it is clear that the Nigerian political environment has always been hostile to radical, revolutionary change. The situation has been compounded by the three decade of fascist military rules which as liquidated the ranks of forces of change in favor of the oppressed and exploited majority. The core issue is the economic system which is capitalist, neocolonial and hopelessly dependent on foreign interest. The economic survives primarily on the export of crude oil without any value added. It is a pipeline economic in which the oil and gas are mined and transported via pipelines to export terminals to support industrial prosperity of foreign nations.
The money earned from the oil is spent on imported manufactured goods and services. The consequence of this arrangement is that there is huge populations of unemployed people and those who earn have low incomes. This is one of the reasons why poverty is pervasive and deadly diseases are prevalent. The weak industrial base and poor infrastructure further undermines the capacity of government to provide for the basic needs of the vast majority of the people. What can an elected political party achieve in this circumstance? 

Forward To A Permanent Revolution In Osun

These questions have implication in the role of change agents. The political parties permitted by the military and their civil inheritors are unable to offer a radical break from the status quo. At the federal level, there is the ideal of a transformation agenda but this does not envisage a fundamental change of the structure of the economic to support an equitable distribution of wealth. Given the poverty of ideology that afflicts all the electoral parties, much depends on the position of leaders of governments. At the federal level the people look forward to the president and his ministers to fulfill the expectations of their election mandates. The same situation applies at the states and local government levels. Yet very few of the people occupying these positions of power can be associated any clear ideology or vision to emancipate Nigeria and its economic from the stranglehold of local and international finance interest. Being an oil- corrupt political system, the root to leadership is made difficult and expensive. Some authority would define Nigeria as a natural- resource dependent one.

As change agents, political leaders have to be charismatic; they have to be philosopher-kings. Chief Awolowo’s generation of nationalist exemplified this brand of political leaders. They were also astute organizers who established formidable party structures. They were great thinker who committed their vision and programs to written work to guide their followers. Their political party have relatively long period of gestationand maturation and this allowed for the training of party cadres and dedicated aides and members. The post 1999 phase of parties in Nigeria has provides adequate time for this tradition to grow. Thus far, the parties are better known for winning elections than for the ideal of governance they stand for. This situation has overshadowed the charisma of the various party leaders.

Governors and head of governments must design a programs of cadre training in which the advance guards of the parties can be schooled in the principle and manifestoes of the parties. In the communist parties such as those in China most members were required to undergo rigorous training, including passing examinations and tests in order to qualify for membership. The communist party of China still does this; that probably explain why no more than 100 million belong to the party out of a population of one billion adult. In Nigeria, membership of a party is loose; most people show interest only during elections or distribution of opportunities.

For a party to sustain a regime of radical change there is imperative need to grow a critical mass of leaders and followers who are fanatical believe in the programs that distinguish the party from others. As Kal Marx once observed, the educators and the educated, Leadership layers at the national, state, council and ward levels must have regular political and ideological workshops and seminars to equip them with intellectual resources and organizational discipline to serve as the vanguard of responsible governance.

Both the legislative and executive arms of much party in government must undergo the rigorous education and orientation recommended here. It is undemocratic for elected officers and politicians to assume that they are above the requirement for regular education and self- improvement. If party cadres and legislators undertake high level training either in Nigeria or abroad, it is important for them to domesticate the knowledge by organizing local workshop to share the knowledge and skill acquired. This is the surest way to avoid developing cast aristocrats within the party which can alienate the rank and file.

It is assumed that once a political party wins an election, it has to govern and be responsible to, the entire citizenry, including those in the so-called opposition parties. This situation poses a challenge to a party that claim to be pursuing a radical, egalitarian agenda. How does one reach the non-members of a party in power? This poser relates to how to engage public servant and other section of the masses as partners in the governance project. All categories of public servant must be reached through periodic education on the programs of the party and their relevant for promoting democratic culture. Permanent secretaries, director, head of agencies and departments are strategic partners in the business of rendering responsible administration. It is the burden duty of the leadership to demonstrate the superior quality of the party’s goals. Big employers of labour and proprietor of private’s enterprises should be mobilized to support the agenda being implemented.

Under the headship of CAN, state of osun has made a breakthrough in clearly that they are being prepared to be vanguard of change agents. Yet there are thousands of youth people and children in the school who have to be given this education-for-life experience. Short manuals on Omoluwabi ethics and ideology should be produce in English and Yoruba for this purpose.

Change Agents In An Emerging Democratic Process (2)

Who Is Afraid Of Change?

In social science thought the concept of change is employed to designate a significant alteration in social structures, rules of conduct, values, cultural products, and symbols. In the intellectual context, change also refers to development and transformation of human society from a lower to a higher or more advanced level. The use of the term connotes progress, growth, qualitative leap and even revolution. In Nigeria’s political experience, almost all electoral parties subscribe to or proclaim the goals of change. Quite often, many politicians interpret change to mean no more that the replacement of one set of administrators or office holders by another. In this discussion, we hope to examine the idea of change that relates to significant alteration in social structure, rules of conduct, and values.

Change Agents In An Emerging Democratic Process (1)

Owing to the manipulation of British colonial powers, conservative political parties have always held sway in Nigeria’s electoral system. Yet the advocacy for radical change has had a long history in the country. During the final push of the anti-colonial mobilization in the 1950s, socialist thinkers propounded revolutionary change in the anticipation of independence from colonial rule. One of the iconic figures of that era was Alhaji Adegoke Adelabu (1915 – 1958), otherwise known as “penkelemes” of Ibadan politics. He was a leading member of the National Council of Nigeria and the Cameroons (NCNC) which was led by Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe. In his political manifest  published as AFRICA IN EBULLITION, Adelabu described change as “complete freedom, unqualified, unreserved, and unlimited freedom to order our lives as we deem fit” but must come within five years, that is, 1956 when Nigeria was expected to gain independence. This freedom, he declared” is here in West Africa, the black man’s paradise, here in Nigeria, the heaven of the Negro race, here in the Western Region, the chosen land of a modern Songhay…” The citations are from the 2008 edition of the book by the Ibadan-based Board Publications Limited.

Adelabu identified four pillars of post-colonial change, namely, education, agriculture, industrialization and africanisation of the civil service. On education, he stated that Education is the foundation of freedom. Ignorance is the basis of slavery. If you would free a people, first and foremost educated them” Adelabu placed equal stress on agriculture and industrialization. In his words, “If education is the foundation of freedom, then, agriculture is the life blood of Nigerian livelihood.”

Chief Obafemi Awolowo (1909 – 1987) was in the Action Group, the opposition party to the NCNC yet he shared the same revolutionary vision with Adelabu. Both nationalists also subscribed to the ideology of socialism even if they differed on what brand of it to apply. The commitment to socialist revolution inspired Awolowo’s government in the Western Region (1954 – 1962) to achieve spectacular success in the implementation of these pro-people programmes of free education, industrialization and agriculture. Awolowo’s memorable thoughts on these cardinal matter are available in his books, “The Peoples Republic” (1968) and “The Strategy and Tactics of the People’s Republic” (1970). Adelabu died in his mid forties in 1958 and Chief Awolowo was framed up on treasonable felony charge by the conservative federal government and was jailed for ten years in 1962. When Awolowo returned to electoral politics in 1979 -1983, he hoped to reinvent the radical dreams through the Unity Party of Nigeria (UPN). His aspiration to rule Nigeria was thwarted by the constellation of reactionary forces, culminating in the military takeover of power in 1983. I have recalled these details in order to show that the ideology of radical change is a critical heritage of the politics of the Yoruba-speaking areas of Nigeria. It is a worthy legacy to reinvent and innovate on in meeting contemporary challenges. I will return to some of these issues.

Furthermore, in the Second Republic (1979 – 1983), there was a resurgence of radical change in the heartland of conservative politics in the north of Nigeria. This was recorded in the electoral victory of the Peoples Redemption Party (PRP) over the ultra-reactionary National Party of Nigeria in the region. The PRP won the governorship polls in Kaduna and Kano states, with Alhaji Balarabe Musa and Alhaji Abubakar Rimi as Governors respectively. The two of them initiated unprecedented reforms in administration, education, and welfare programs for the oppressed and exploited masses (talakawa). The PRP support came from this class of the population largely because of the long history of revolutionary work done under the leadership of Mallam Aminu Kano and his fellow travelers. The reactionary forces rallied around the NPN and fought back viciously. In 1983, Balarabe Musa was impeached by the State House of Assembly dominated by NPN stalwarts. The PRP itself was split into two antagonistic factions. By the end of the year, the military usurpers struck and General Muhammadu Buhari became head of state. He abolished electoral politics forever.

The emergence of Governors Abubakar Rimi and Balarabe Musa generated internal debate in the ranks of Nigeria’s socialist and Marxist Politian’s. Some denounced the development as capitulation to bourgeois electoral booby trap. Others saw it in the light of the strategy of minimum program in pursuit of the long, zigzag revolution in a non-industrialized setting. Whilst these dialectical exchanges raged, the masses of Kaduna and Kano knew that a new and more equitable social system was being implemented in their favour. They responded with fervor and fearless support.

In the midst of these tumultuous events, the Kano State government hosted a conference of leftist thinkers and scholars under the rubric of “progressives” and “change ideology”. Seventeen of the papers presented were edited in a book by Askipo Essien-Ibok as TOWARDS A PROGRESSIVE NIGERIA (1983). In his introduction, Essien-Ibok defined “change” as a “revolutionary concept of societal transformation from neo-colonial, feudal, imperialist and cut-throat capitalist relation.. “He added that change “relates to the construction of social consciousness where by the people are mobilized to work in harmony for the development of themselves and the society. Change mean the development of class consciousness of worker, and explaining to them their historical mission as a class that of fighting to exterminates of forms of exploitation, nepotism, corruption, bad government and class society oin general and of building a new social economic order”.

Comrade Ola Oni and his socialist party of workers, Farmers and Youth gave strategic support to the PPR governors, much collaborative work was out between the two group in the area of cadre training, propaganda, research and publication. Yet comrade Ola Oni did not share the illusion that what was taking place in Kano and Kaduna was the equivalent of a socialist revolution. Rather, he interpreted the changes as necessary radical reforms on which the revolutionary movement of the working class could build in future. His paper delivered at the Kano conference bore the title “Reformist Political Movement in Contemporary Nigeria” He  characterized the programs of Awolowo’s UPN as bourgeois reforms aimed at spreading “palliative to the working class, to divert them from the revolutionary alternative” adding that the ‘capitalists who own and monopolize the resources will not release the resources without struggle” He illustrate this aspect with the difficulty the UNP had in funding the free education in the states under control.

Ola oni agreed that the PRP comrades had opened up “class struggle for structural changes” but the party understand the violent character of the enemy and placed “too much trust in bourgeois process of fair play and justice. The party underrated the fascistic nature of the counter-revolutionary forces. The party did not play attention to mass mobilization for mass action “Ola Oni made these points about 30 years ago, but they are pertinent in assessing the fortunes of change and reforms in Nigeria today.

Change Agents In An Emerging Democratic Process (1)

The restoration of elected democratic rule in Nigeria since 1999 has thrown up a fresh debate about the nature of change in the country’s political process. Understandably, the termination of military dictatorship generated high expectation on the part of the masses of the people who were the main victims of the tyranny under the military. However, the process of the transition to elected democratic rule influenced the quality and direction of change that followed. First, the momentum of the anti-military uprising was determined by the June 12, 1993, presidential polls. That election involved two political parties founded and funded by the dictatorial military regime of General Ibrahim Babangida. They were the Social Democratic Party (SDP) and National Republican Convention (NRC). The SDP candidate, Chief M.K.O. Abiola was heading for victory when the military junta cancelled or annulled the results.

The nation-wide mass revolt that greeted the cancellation did not restore the democratic mandate given to Chief Abiola and the progressive forces. A fascist segment of the military took advantage of the situation and seized power with General Sanni Abacha as the head of state. His regime of tyranny severely damaged the prospects of democratic recovery. But the June 12 movement fought him valiantly until his mysterious death in 1998. The disgraced military found an escape route through a hasty transition programme presided over by General Abdusalami Abubakar. The parties that participated in the process were those favoured by the departing military despots. The 1999 constitution was also a product of the military and its anti-democratic impurities are major impediments to the goals of radical change. In the circumstances, the pro-democracy organizations made the best of the situation by aligning with the approved parties. This was a historic compromise but it was considered as a pragmatic option.

Historians of the era are agreed that of the three parties – the People’s Democratic Party (PDP), the then All People’s Party (APP) and the then Alliance for Democracy (AD) – the last named was the point aggregation for the bulk of the pro-democracy vanguards. Over the one decade, further alignment has taken place and the mantle of the AD is currently borne by the Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN). The party has sustained its electoral supremacy in most areas of the southwestern states. The triumph of the ACN in the State of Osun two years ago is further testimony to its popularity in the region. The election of Ogbeni Rauf Aregbesola as the Governor is a vindication of the party’s vision to spread the redemptive benefits of a radical political ideology to the masses of the electorate.

This expectation is anchored on the knowledge that Governor Aregbesola’s political career was nurtured in the milieu of radical, revolutionary engagement. He was trained as a Marxist socialist cadre in the movement of change under the revolutionary mentorship of Comrade Ola Oni (1993 – 1999). Governor Aregbesola was involved in all the barricades of struggle during the June 12 uprising against military terrorism. His leftist ideological credentials are well known and he cannot but be associated with a programme of change in favour of the exploited and oppressed masses. His strategies and tactics for achieving these lofty goals are the subject of this presentation. But first, let us look at what change we are expecting.
 Change Agents In An Emerging Democratic Process (2)  
Change Agents In An Emerging Democratic Process (3)  
Change Agents In An Emerging Democratic Process (4)